Oct 24, 2014

Islam's Other Victims: India
The Muslims have committed some of the worst atrocities against the Hindus when they were in power or when they had the means to commit them.
This observation is not coming from a Hindu but from a neutral observer, Dr Serge Trifkovic.  Please read his article below.

The Sword of the Prophet: A Politically-Incorrect Guide to Islam by Dr. Serge Trifkovic.

The fundamental leftist and anti-American claim about our ongoing conflict with political Islam is this: whatever has happened or does happen, it’s our fault. We provoked them into it by being dirty Yankee imperialists and by unkindly refusing to allow them to destroy Israel. But two things make crystal clear that this is not so:
1. The political arm of Islam has been waging terroristic holy war on the rest of the world for centuries.
2. It has waged this war against civilizations that have nothing to do with the West, let alone America.
This is why the case of Moslem aggression against India proves so much. Let’s look at the historical record.
India prior to the Moslem invasions was one of the world’s great civilizations. Tenth century Hindustan matched its contemporaries in the East and the West in the realms of philosophy, mathematics, and natural science. Indian mathematicians discovered the number zero (not to mention other things, like algebra, that were later transmitted to a Moslem world which mistaken has received credit for them.) Medieval India, before the Moslem invasion, was a richly imaginative culture, one of the half-dozen most advanced civilizations of all time. Its sculptures were vigorous and sensual, its architecture ornate and spellbinding. And these were indigenous achievements and not, as in the case of many of the more celebrated high-points of Moslem culture, relics of pre-Moslem civilizations that Moslems had overrun.
Moslem invaders began entering India in the early 8th century, on the orders of Hajjaj, the governor of what is now Iraq. (Sound familiar?) Starting in 712 the raiders, commanded by Muhammad Qasim, demolished temples, shattered sculptures, plundered palaces, killed vast numbers of men — it took three whole days to slaughter the inhabitants of the city of Debal — and carried off their women and children to slavery, some of it sexual. After the initial wave of violence, however, Qasim tried to establish law and order in the newly-conquered lands, and to that end he even allowed a degree of religious tolerance. but upon hearing of such humane practices, his superior Hajjaj, objected:
"It appears from your letter that all the rules made by you for the comfort and convenience of your men are strictly in accordance with religious law. But the way of granting pardon prescribed by the law is different from the one adopted by you, for you go on giving pardon to everybody, high or low, without any discretion between a friend and a foe. The great God says in the Koran [47.4]: "0 True believers, when you encounter the unbelievers, strike off their heads." The above command of the Great God is a great command and must be respected and followed. You should not be so fond of showing mercy, as to nullify the virtue of the act. Henceforth grant pardon to no one of the enemy and spare none of them, or else all will consider you a weak-minded man."In a subsequent communication, Hajjaj reiterated that all able-bodied men were to be killed, and that their underage sons and daughters were to be imprisoned and retained as hostages. Qasim obeyed, and on his arrival at the town of Brahminabad massacred between 6,000 and 16,000 men.
The significance of these events lies not just in the horrible numbers involved, but in the fact that the perpetrators of these massacres were not military thugs disobeying the ethical teachings of their religion, as the European crusaders in the Holy Land were, but were actually doing precisely what their religion taught. (And one may note that Christianity has grown up and no longer preaches crusades. Islam has not. As has been well-documented, jihad has been preached from the official centers of Islam, not just the lunatic fringe.)
Qasim’s early exploits were continued in the early eleventh century, when Mahmud of Ghazni, "passed through India like a whirlwind, destroying, pillaging, and massacring," zealously following the Koranic injunction to kill idolaters, whom he had vowed to chastise every year of his life.
In the course of seventeen invasions, in the words of Alberuni, the scholar brought by Mahmud to India,
"Mahmud utterly ruined the prosperity of the country, and performed there wonderful exploits, by which the Hindus became like atoms of dust scattered in all directions, and like a tale of old in the mouth of the people. Their scattered remains cherish, of course, the most inveterate aversion toward all Moslems."Does one wonder why? To this day, the citizens of Bombay and New Delhi, Calcutta and Bangalore, live in fear of a politically-unstable and nuclear-armed Pakistan that unlike India (but like every other Moslem country) has not managed to maintain democracy since independence.
Mathura, holy city of the god Krishna, was the next victim:
"In the middle of the city there was a temple larger and finer than the rest, which can neither be described nor painted." The Sultan [Mahmud] was of the opinion that 200 years would have been required to build it. The idols included "five of red gold, each five yards high," with eyes formed of priceless jewels. "The Sultan gave orders that all the temples should be burnt with naphtha and fire, and leveled with the ground."In the aftermath of the invasion, in the ancient cities of Varanasi, Mathura, Ujjain, Maheshwar, Jwalamukhi, and Dwarka, not one temple survived whole and intact. This is the equivalent of an army marching into Paris and Rome, Florence and Oxford, and razing their architectural treasures to the ground. It is an act beyond nihilism; it is outright negativism, a hatred of what is cultured and civilized.
In his book The Story of Civilization, famous historian Will Durant lamented the results of what he termed "probably the bloodiest story in history." He called it "a discouraging tale, for its evident moral is that civilization is a precious good, whose delicate complex order and freedom can at any moment be overthrown by barbarians invading from without and multiplying from within."
Moslem invaders "broke and burned everything beautiful they came across in Hindustan," displaying, as an Indian commentator put it, the resentment of the less developed warriors who felt intimidated in the encounter with "a more refined culture." The Moslem Sultans built mosques at the sites of torn down temples, and many Hindus were sold into slavery. As far as they were concerned, Hindus were kafirs,heathens, par excellence. They, and to a lesser extent the peaceful Buddhists, were, unlike Christians and Jews, not "of the book" but at the receiving end of Muhammad’s injunction against pagans: "Kill those who join other gods with God wherever you may find them." (Not that being "of the book" has much helped Jewish and Christian victims of other Moslem aggressions, but that’s another article.)
The mountainous northwestern approaches to India are to this day called the Hindu Kush, "the Slaughter of the Hindu," a reminder of the days when Hindu slaves from Indian subcontinent died in harsh Afghan mountains while being transported to Moslem courts of Central Asia. The slaughter in Somnath, the site of a celebrated Hindu temple, where 50,000 Hindus were slain on Mahmud’s orders, set the tone for centuries.
The gentle Buddhists were the next to be subjected to mass slaughter in 1193, when Muhammad Khilji also burned their famous library. By the end of the 12th century, following the Moslem conquest of their stronghold in Bihar, they were no longer a significant presence in India. The survivors retreated into Nepal and Tibet, or escaped to the south of the Subcontinent. The remnants of their culture lingered on even as far west as Turkestan. Left to the tender mercies of Moslem conquerors and their heirs they were systematically destroyed, sometimes—as was the case with the four giant statues of Buddha in Afghanistan in March 2001—up to the present day.
That cultivated disposition and developed sensibility can go hand in hand with bigotry and cruelty is evidenced by the example of Firuz Shah, who became the ruler of northern India in 1351. This educated yet tyrannical Moslem ruler of northern India once surprised a village where a Hindu religious festival was celebrated, and ordered all present to be slain. He proudly related that, upon completing the slaughter, he destroyed the temples and in their place built mosques.
The Mogul emperor Akbar is remembered as tolerant, at least by the standards of Moslems in India: only one major massacre was recorded during his long reign (1542-1605), when he ordered that about 30,000 captured Rajput Hindus be slain on February 24, 1568, after the battle for Chitod. But Akbar’s acceptance of other religions and toleration of their public worship, his abolition of poll-tax on non-Moslems, and his interest in other faiths were not a reflection of his Moslem spirit of tolerance. Quite the contrary, they indicated a propensity for free-thinking in the realm of religion that finally led him to complete apostasy. Its high points were the formal declaration of his own infallibility in all matters of religious doctrine, his promulgation of a new creed, and his adoption of Hindu and Zoroastrian festivals and practices. This is a pattern one sees again and again in Moslem history, down to the present day: whenever one finds a reasonable, enlightened, tolerant Moslem, upon closer examination this turns out to be someone who started out as a Moslem but then progressively wandered away from the orthodox faith. That is to say: the best Moslems are generally the least Moslem (a pattern which does not seem to be the case with other religions.)
Things were back to normal under Shah Jahan (1593-1666), the fifth Mogul Emperor and a grandson of Akbar the Great. Most Westerners remember him as the builder of the Taj Mahal and have no idea that he was a cruel warmonger who initiated forty-eight military campaigns against non-Moslems in less than thirty years. Taking his cue from his Ottoman co-religionists, on coming to the throne in 1628 he killed all his male relations except one who escaped to Persia. Shah Jahan had 5,000 concubines in his harem, but nevertheless indulged in incestuous sex with his daughters Chamani and Jahanara. During his reign in Benares alone 76 Hindu temples were destroyed, as well as Christian churches at Agra and Lahore. At the end of the siege of Hugh, a Portuguese enclave near Calcutta, that lasted three months, he had ten thousand inhabitants "blown up with powder, drowned in water or burnt by fire." Four thousand were taken captive to Agra where they were offered Islam or death. Most refused and were killed, except for the younger women, who went into harems.
These massacres perpetrated by Moslems in India are unparalleled in history. In sheer numbers, they are bigger than the Jewish Holocaust, the Soviet Terror, the Japanese massacres of the Chinese during WWII, Mao’s devastations of the Chinese peasantry, the massacres of the Armenians by the Turks, or any of the other famous crimes against humanity of the 20th Century. But sadly, they are almost unknown outside India.
There are several reasons for this. In the days when they ruled India, the British, pursuing a policy of divide-and-rule, whitewashed the record of the Moslems so that they could set them up as a counterbalance to the more numerous Hindus. During the struggle for independence, Gandhi and Nehru downplayed historic Moslem atrocities so that they could pretend a facade of Hindu-Moslem unity against the British. (Naturally, this façade dissolved immediately after independence and several million people were killed in the religious violence attendant on splitting British India into India and Pakistan.) After independence, Marxist Indian writers, blinkered by ideology, suppressed the truth about the Moslem record because it did not fit into the Marxist theory of history. Nowadays, the Indian equivalent of political correctness downplays Moslem misdeeds because Moslems are an "oppressed minority" in majority-Hindu India. And Indian leftist intellectuals always blame India first and hate their own Hindu civilization, just their equivalents at Berkeley blame America and the West.
Unlike Germany, which has apologized to its Jewish and Eastern European victims, and Japan, which has at least behaved itself since WWII, and even America, which has gone into paroxysms of guilt over what it did to the infinitely smaller numbers of Red Indians, the Moslem aggressors against India and their successors have not even stopped trying to finish the job they started. To this day, militant Islam sees India as "unfinished business" and it remains high on the agenda of oil-rich Moslem countries such as Saudi Arabia, which are spending millions every year trying to convert Hindus to Islam.
One may take some small satisfaction in the fact that they find it rather slow going.

Serge Trifkovic received his PhD from the University of Southampton in England and pursued postdoctoral research at the Hoover Institution at Stanford. His past journalistic outlets have included the BBC World Service, the Voice of America, CNN International, MSNBC, U.S. News & World ReportThe Washington Times, the Philadelphia InquirerThe Times of London, and the Cleveland Plain Dealer. He is foreign affairs editor of Chronicles: A Magazine of American Culture. This article was adapted for Front Page Magazine by Robert Locke.

Sep 5, 2014

Escaping Death in Northern Iraq



Ali Hussein Kadhim, an Iraqi soldier and a Shiite, was captured with hundreds of other soldiers by Sunni militants in June and taken to the grounds of a palace complex in Tikrit where Saddam Hussein once lived.

The militants, with the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria, separated the men by sect. The Sunnis were allowed to repent for their service to the government. The Shiites were marked for death, and lined up in groups.

Mr. Kadhim was No. 4 in his line.

As the firing squad shot the first man, blood spurted onto Mr. Kadhim’s face. He remembered seeing a video camera in the hands of another militant.

“I saw my daughter in my mind, saying, ‘Father, father,' ” he said.

He felt a bullet pass by his head, and fell forward into the freshly dug trench.

“I just pretended to be shot,” he said.

A few moments later, Mr. Kadhim said, one of the killers walked among the bodies and saw that one man who had been shot was still breathing.
Continue reading the main story
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“Just let him suffer,” another militant said. “He’s an infidel Shia. Let him suffer. Let him bleed.”

“At that point,” Mr. Kadhim said, “I had a great will to live.”

He waited about four hours, he said, until it was dark and there was only silence. About 200 yards away was the edge of the Tigris River.

He made it to the riverbank, where the reeds gave him some cover. There, he met an injured man named Abbas, a driver at Camp Speicher who had been shot by militants and shoved into the river.

Mr. Kadhim stayed there three days with Abbas, who was so badly wounded he could barely move. Mr. Kadhim ate insects and plants, but Abbas was in too much pain to eat much of anything.

“It was three days of hell,” Mr. Kadhim said.

As Mr. Kadhim planned his escape, Abbas begged him to come back for him, and, if he could not, to at least tell the story.

“Let everyone know what happened here,” Abbas told him.

 A Cruel Fate

Back now at his family home here in southern Iraq, Mr. Kadhim, 23, recounted his story on a recent afternoon while taking a break from harvesting dates in his uncle’s orchard.

His is one of a very few witness accounts, and perhaps the most detailed, to emerge after the June massacre of Iraqi soldiers stationed at Camp Speicher, a former American army base in Tikrit, Mr. Hussein’s hometown.

Mr. Kadhim spoke plainly and evenly about his experience, and how he set off from the riverbank on a nearly three-week, underground railroad-style journey through insurgent badlands, relying on sympathetic Sunnis to deliver him to safety.

In an earlier interview with a video journalist, Mr. Kadhim still had the marks on his wrists from the handcuffs. Elements of his story were corroborated by a Sunni tribal sheikh who protected him on his journey, and by Abbas’s father, who reached out to Mr. Kadhim after he saw an interview he gave in the local news media.

The suspected scale of the massacre — ISIS claimed it killed 1,700 Shiite soldiers, a figure that some Iraqi officials and Mr. Kadhim believe is accurate — would make it the deadliest sectarian atrocity in Iraq’s recent history, more reminiscent of the mass killings carried out by Mr. Hussein’s government than anything the country faced during the sectarian civil war in 2006 and 2007.
Continue reading the main story

The militants are also believed to still be holding perhaps hundreds of other soldiers from the base in Tikrit as hostages, according to Mr. Kadhim. An adviser to the departing prime minister, Nuri Kamal al-Maliki, said the government believed that the hostages were being held in Anbar Province.

The story of the massacre tells as much about the woeful state of the Iraqi military, a force created and trained by the United States at a cost of billions of dollars, as it does about the cruelty of ISIS.

After militants stormed Mosul, Iraq’s second-largest city, on June 10, they continued their offensive south toward Tikrit. In Tikrit, chaos and fear enveloped Camp Speicher, where Mr. Kadhim, a trainee who had joined the army just 10 days before Mosul fell, was posted. The American-trained army officers fled, as they had in Mosul, Mr. Kadhim said.

“We were alone,” he said. “So we decided to flee, because there were no officers.”

He and his comrades took off their uniforms, put on civilian clothes — track suits and sandals for many of them — and, in a large group that Mr. Kadhim said amounted to about 3,000 soldiers, started walking out the front gates.

It was a terrible decision and a cruel fate: To this day, Camp Speicher has not fallen to ISIS. Had Mr. Kadhim and his friends stayed where they were, they would almost certainly have been safe.

They thought they would walk as far as Baghdad, almost 120 miles south.

But just a few miles down the road, near Tikrit University, the men ran in to a group of about 50 ISIS fighters in armored vehicles, he said.

“They told us, ‘Don’t worry, we will take you to Baghdad,' ” Mr. Kadhim said. “They tried to make us feel safe.

“They tricked us.”

Packed into trucks, the men were taken to the Tikrit palace grounds.

Over the next three days, the militants carried out wave after wave of killings around the palace and elsewhere in Tikrit. Human Rights Watch, which analyzed satellite imagery and examined photographs released by ISIS, says it has confirmed that 560 to 770 men, at the least, were killed during that stretch. The group acknowledged that the total number may be higher still, and ISIS itself put the number of men it killed there at 1,700.

A Culture of Revenge

In its campaign of blatantly sectarian- or ethnic-driven massacres like the one in Tikrit, ISIS has been tearing open Iraq’s wounds, creating a new wave of factionalism that has sent American officials scrambling to call for better political inclusion and reconciliation. But many here say those efforts already seem irrelevant.

Mr. Kadhim and some other witnesses say that Sunni Arabs in Tikrit, including some from Mr. Hussein’s tribe, assisted the militants in the mass killing, a charge that the families of the victims have made in the local news media. Parliament has said it will appoint a committee to investigate, but few feel confident that justice will come of it. Dozens of angry family members of missing soldiers stormed into Parliament on Tuesday, destroying furniture and demanding to speak to lawmakers, most of whom had quickly left the building.
The conquests of ISIS have reawakened a sense among Iraq’s Shiite majority that they are facing a threat to their very existence from Sunnis — and nothing highlights this in as dramatic a fashion as images of industrial-scale killings of Shiites in Mr. Hussein’s hometown, with the participation of the dead dictator’s tribesmen.

In recent days the images and stories emerging from this massacre have begun receiving wide play on Iraqi state television, whose programming has also long included shows detailing the abuses of Mr. Hussein.

Many here wonder how long the Shiites will restrain themselves from taking widespread revenge against Sunnis, and plunging the country into the sort of neighbor-killing-neighbor conflict of a few years ago.
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Recent Comments
Hugh McIsaac
11 hours ago

Absolutely horrific and stands as testimony against ISIS who deserve the Hell to which they will eventually be consigned. Acts such as...
indiethnk
16 hours ago

The stupidity of Isis recording and bragging about the high-profile murders of tied-up Western journalists represents only a fraction of...
Jack
16 hours ago

Informative article, but identifying those who helped Kadhim escape by name and location seems like it could put them in danger as well.

    See All Comments

In other countries that have confronted a brutal past, like South Africa and Bosnia, reconciliation has meant a painful process of apology and forgiveness that Iraq has never seriously pursued.

Amer al-Khuzaie, Mr. Maliki’s adviser on reconciliation, visited South Africa last year to see if he could learn about how that country’s experience might apply to Iraq. As he toured the prison on Robben Island, where Nelson Mandela had been incarcerated, he asked the tour guide how many prisoners were executed during Mr. Mandela’s imprisonment.

“He told me 125,” Mr. Khuzaie recalled. “This is an incomparable situation between us and South Africa,” he said, referring to the trauma under Mr. Hussein. “We would have a thousand in one day.”

He added: “The culture of Iraqis does not go for forgiveness. We come from the desert; our culture is for revenge.”

Here in Diwaniya, in a region of fertile farmland where several of the soldiers killed in Tikrit were from, the collective memory is still scarred by the trauma of a Shiite uprising against Mr. Hussein’s rule in 1991 that was encouraged by American officials. But the United States then stood by as Mr. Hussein’s security forces slaughtered tens of thousands of people.

That explains why Shiites in the Iraqi south never trusted the Americans when they invaded in 2003, even though the invasion upended the political order of Sunni domination and placed the Shiites in power. It explains, too, why many Shiites have greeted the recent American military intervention in Iraq with suspicion.

It was not massacres against Shiites, like the one in Tikrit, that prompted American action, they say, but only because the Kurds in the north, and Yazidis, an ancient Iraqi religious minority, came under threat.

“They might want the scenario in 1991 to happen again, when they let the Iraqi people die under the injustice of Saddam’s regime,” said Ali al-Rubaie, a representative of the Shiite religious establishment in the holy city of Najaf.

Unexpected Kindness

Back on the riverbank, around 11 p.m., Mr. Kadhim said goodbye to Abbas and entered the water. It was cold and the current was strong, but after drifting downriver he managed to reach the other side.

In darkness, hearing faint gunshots in the distance, he walked about a half-mile north, he said, until he found an empty reed hut and fell deeply asleep. The next morning he approached a cluster of houses in the distance, and a Sunni family took him in and gave him his first proper meal in days: eggs and yogurt.

The family, worried about what might happen to them if ISIS found them sheltering a Shiite, drove him to the home of friends in another village, where he was kept safe for three more days.

His next stop on the journey was the town of Al Alam, at the home of a Sunni tribal sheikh, Khamis al-Jubouri, who had been operating an underground railroad-like system for Shiite soldiers on the run from ISIS.

“We also helped 40 Iraqi soldiers from Anbar, Diyala, Mosul and Baghdad get home safely with fake IDs we made for them,” Sheikh Jubouri said.

Mr. Kadhim stayed with the sheikh for almost two weeks before they judged it safe enough to try to travel to Erbil, in the autonomous Kurdish region, a trip in which they passed through several ISIS checkpoints, Mr. Kadhim said.

In Erbil, he met his uncle, who had flown up from Najaf. He finally arrived home here the next night, after a long, circuitous drive.

“It was beyond happiness,” he said, of seeing his family again. “They were crying, and I was laughing.”

He had a thick beard, and he had lost weight. “My daughter didn’t recognize me, and she ran away,” he said.

Mr. Kadhim has told his story in the local news media, and ever since his phone has been ringing with calls from family members of missing soldiers.

A military intelligence officer visited him, took his testimony, and gave him $430, a little less than half the monthly salary he earned as a soldier — a job he said he would never go back to.

“For now, I am jobless,” he said. “I’m just trying to take care of my orchard.”

Source: New York Times
Reporting was contributed by Falih Hassan, Ali Hamza and Omar al-Jawoshy from Baghdad, and an employee of The New York Times from Najaf, Iraq.

Jul 12, 2014


Arab states need cohesive social policies if they want stability.


The rapid rise of ISIS (Islamic State of Iraq and Syria) to global notoriety has taken observers of Middle East politics by surprise. All of a sudden, a new Islamist political movement has stunningly upstaged former global public enemy number one al-Qaeda and establishes an Islamic state, a caliphate encompassing lands in both Iraq and Syria.

ISIS sees itself and its newly declared caliphate as revoking the historic deals that were struck between European imperial powers after World War I, which gave us most of the Middle Eastern borders we know today.

Nothing symbolizes the sorry state of Arab politics more than the march of ISIS. The Arab world at large appears to be fast descending into a political quagmire, only a few years after the euphoria of the so-called Arab Spring. The unravelling of old dictatorships in Libya, Tunisia, Egypt and Syria has opened up a pandora’s box of sectarian, ethnic and tribal divisions, old fault lines that have persisted under the heavy hand of police states for the last century.

And the more chaotic the region becomes, the more desperate and frustrated the search for a meaningful explanation.

Bad governance
From the perspective of many western governments and much of the western media, many Arab countries have never been able to govern themselves effectively. They lack structures for effective democratic governance and rule of law; they are bedeviled by corruption and are too influenced by Arab or Islamic traditions which favour paternalistic or patronage systems of rule.

The rise of ISIS, meanwhile, is yet another example of how many Arab states, who never really saw their independence-era nation-building projects to completion, are still being buffeted about by the whims of modern-day feudal warlords.

In this sense, ISIS embodies the regressive and reactionary nature of “political Islam”. The Arab world is of strategic interest to the West thanks to oil—at best, wealthy gulf countries fund football clubs, car and horse racing, and London skyscrapers—but beyond this, at least viewed from the West, it’s hard to see what the Arab region stands for in the world today.

But in the region itself, that narrative is read very differently indeed.

Too much intervention
Arab politicians and current affairs commentators alike have a fondness for conspiracy theories. Many of the woes the Arab countries have faced are often blamed on American-Israeli and perhaps also British plotting against long-term stability in the Arab countries; the old colonial “divide and rule” tactics have not been forgotten.

Much of this thinking stems from the tension between various states and movements (Syria, Iran, and the Lebanese Hezbollah) and Israel, with the conflict over Palestine now at its most heated for years.

In their eyes, much conflict within the Arab region (and between Sunnis and Shias in particular) is the latest in a long line of plots to weaken anti-Israeli sentiment and embroil the Arab world with internal conflict—and eventually to dismantle the resistant states and Hezbollah. In this scenario, the dark side of Gulf wealth is the funding of radical movements like ISIS.

The situation, then, is that many Arab peoples are so busy fighting and killing each other they are not attending to the real social challenges which are causing them real social harm: disunity, unemployment, poverty, and social inequality.

Better policy needed
This is the biggest missing link in the media and political debate over the ISIS crisis. Modern Islamist social movements often proclaim that “Islam is the solution” to all the social and political woes of Arab populations. This reflects the fact that under dictatorship, the only viable platform for political protest in the Arab world was Islamic identity—there could be no civil society and no freedom of association—after dictatorship, religious identity was the inevitable fall-back position for political organization.

The pressing social problems facing Arab and Muslim populations are often overshadowed in Western media coverage by the problem of “political Islam”. Arab countries have some of the highest levels of unemployment in the world; they have not industrialized sufficiently (or at all, in some cases) to develop their workforces’ skills and knowledge base.

Worse still, their reliance on rentier income from oil, gas or foreign remittances attached to those industries has lead sluggish economic growth and kept human capital poor.

The motivating thrust of political Islam is a sense of social dislocation, and a search for the identity and independence of the Arab nation. But the convoluted politics and thwarted economics of Arab countries make any such search terribly myopic, even disregarding the ideological extremism of Islamist movements.

For too long, the question of social policy in the Arab countries has been sidelined by raging political disputes, and these states badly need to start using policy to articulate a lost sense of the common good. An essential dimension of this governance reform would require Arab countries renegotiating their place within the wider political economy, and being less hostage to outside political influence of ally states (both within the Middle East and the West) and more receptive to the will of their people.

Until that happens, the reign of terror will prevail.

Jul 7, 2014

രാമായണമാസം പിറന്ന ചരിത്രം...

കേരളം കര്‍ക്കിടകത്തെ രാമായണ മാസമാക്കി മാറ്റിയിട്ടു 32 വര്‍ഷം കഴിയുന്നു. കള്ളക്കര്‍ക്കിടത്തെ പുണ്യ കര്‍ക്കിടകമാക്കി മാറ്റിയ ആ സാമൂഹ്യ ഇന്ദ്രജാലത്തിനു പിന്നില്‍ വലിയൊരു സാത്വിക വിപ്ലവമുണ്ട്‌. കേരളത്തിന്റെ മനസാകെ മാറ്റിയ ആ സാംസ്കാരിക സാമൂഹ്യ ചരിത്രം ഇങ്ങനെ….



കൊല്ലവര്‍ഷാരംഭത്തെക്കുറിച്ച്‌ തര്‍ക്കമുണ്ടാവാം. എന്നാല്‍ കൊല്ലവര്‍ഷത്തില്‍ പന്ത്രണ്ട്‌ മാസങ്ങള്‍:അതിലൊന്ന്‌ കര്‍ക്കിടകവും എന്നതില്‍ തര്‍ക്കമില്ല. തിരിമുറിയാതെ മഴ പെയ്യുന്ന കള്ളക്കര്‍ക്കിടകം ഇപ്പോള്‍ കലണ്ടറിലൊതുങ്ങി. മലയാളിയുടെ മനസില്‍ അത്‌ രാമായണ മാസമായി മാറി. മലയാളിയുള്ളിടത്തെല്ലാം കര്‍ക്കിടകം രാമായണ മാസാചരണത്തിന്‌ വഴിമാറി. മഴപ്പെയ്ത്തിന്റെ ഇരമ്പലിനുള്ളില്‍ അദ്ധ്യാത്മരാമായണ ശീലുകളുടെ ഭക്തിസാന്ദ്രമായ വായന കൊണ്ട ്കേരളം മുഖരിതമാവുന്നു. മലയാളിയുടെ മനസ്സില്‍ വീണ്ടും തുഞ്ചന്റെ കിളിക്കൊഞ്ചല്‍.
1930 കളില്‍ കേരളത്തില്‍ മുഴങ്ങിയ രാമായണം കത്തിക്കുക എന്ന ആഹ്വാനത്തില്‍ നിന്നും രാമായണമാസത്തിലേക്കുളള കേരള സമൂഹത്തിന്റെ സംക്രമണത്തിന്‌ പിന്നില്‍ സോദ്ദേശ്യപൂര്‍വ്വം പരിശ്രമം നടത്തിയ ഒരു കൂട്ടം സാമൂഹ്യ പരിഷ്കര്‍ത്താക്കളുടെ തപസിന്റെ ബലമാണുള്ളത്‌. ഒരുജാതി, ഒരു മതം, ഒരു ദൈവം മനുഷ്യന്‌ എന്ന ശ്രീനാരായണ ഗുരുദേവന്റെ മഹദ്ദര്‍ശനത്തിന്‌ മുകളില്‍ കുതര്‍ക്കത്തിന്റെ കരിമ്പടം ചാര്‍ത്തിക്കൊണ്ട്‌ ജാതി വേണ്ട, മതം വേണ്ട, ദൈവം വേണ്ട മനുഷ്യന്‌ എന്ന ആഹ്വാനം മുഴങ്ങിയ കേരളം. രാമായണവും മഹാഭാരതവും ചുട്ടെരിക്കുക, ക്ഷേത്രങ്ങള്‍ തട്ടിനിരത്തി കപ്പവെക്കുക എന്ന കമ്മ്യൂണിസ്റ്റ്‌ കാപട്യത്തിന്‌ വേര്‍കിളിര്‍ത്ത കേരളം തുഞ്ചന്റെ കളിക്കൊഞ്ചല്‍ ക്രൗഞ്ചമിഥുനങ്ങളിലൊന്നിനെപ്പോല്‍ പിടഞ്ഞ്‌ മരിച്ചുപോകുമോ എന്ന്‌ സന്ദേഹിച്ച കേരളം. ആ കേരളത്തിലാണ്‌ ആധ്യാത്മികതയുടെ തിരത്തളളല്‍ പോലെ ഇന്ന്‌ രാമായണ മാസം ആചരിക്കുന്നത്‌.
1982 ല്‍ ഏപ്രില്‍ 4,5 തിയ്യതികളില്‍ എറണാകുളത്ത്‌ നടന്ന ഐതിഹാസികമായ ഒരു സമ്മേളനത്തിന്റെ ചരിത്രത്തിലേക്കാണ്‌ രാമായണമാസത്തിന്റെ വേരുകള്‍ നീണ്ടു ചെല്ലുന്നത്‌. ഹൈന്ദവ ഐക്യത്തിന്റെ ഗംഗാപ്രവാഹം പോലെ എറണാകുളത്ത്‌ നടന്ന വിശാലഹിന്ദുസമ്മേളനം കേരളചരിത്രത്തിലെ ഒരു നാഴികകല്ലാണ്‌. സ്വാമി ചിന്മയാനന്ദനും, സ്വാമി വിശ്വേശതീര്‍ത്ഥയും ഡോ.കരണ്‍സിംഗും ആര്‍എസ്‌എസ്‌ സര്‍സംഘചാലക്‌ പ്രൊഫ. രാജേന്ദ്ര സിംഗും പങ്കെടുത്ത സമ്മേളനത്തില്‍ ‘ഹിന്ദുക്കള്‍ നാമൊന്നാണേ’ എന്ന ഈരടികളുമായി ലക്ഷങ്ങളാണ്‌ അണിചേര്‍ന്നത്‌. വലുപ്പം കൊണ്ടും ഉള്ളടക്കം കൊണ്ടും സവിശേഷവും സമ്പന്നവും ആയിരുന്നു ആ സമ്മേളനം. വിശാലഹിന്ദു സമ്മേളനത്തിന്റെ ഭാഗമായി നടന്ന പ്രതിനിധിസമ്മേളന വേദിയില്‍ നടന്ന മംഗളപൂജയില്‍ ശ്രീനാരായണപരമ്പരയിലെ തന്ത്രി മുഖ്യനായ പറവൂര്‍ ശ്രീധരന്‍ തന്ത്രിയായിരുന്നു കാര്‍മികത്വം വഹിച്ചത്‌. പാരമ്പര്യ തന്ത്രി മുഖ്യരില്‍ പ്രമുഖനായ സൂര്യ കാലടി സൂര്യഭട്ടതിരിപ്പാട്‌ താന്‍ പരികര്‍മ്മിയായിരിക്കുമെന്ന്‌ പ്രഖ്യാപിച്ചു മുന്നോട്ടുവന്നു. തന്ത്രിമുഖ്യനായ പെരുവനം കെ.പി.സി.അനുജന്‍ ഭട്ടതിരിപ്പാട്ടും ഷര്‍ട്ട്‌ ഊരിവെച്ച്‌ താനും പരികര്‍മ്മിയായിരിക്കുമെന്ന്‌ പ്രഖ്യാപിച്ചു. ഭ്രാന്താലയത്തില്‍ നിന്നും തീര്‍ത്ഥാലയത്തിലേക്കുള്ള കേരളത്തിന്റെ തീര്‍ത്ഥയാത്രയിലെ അവിസ്മരണീയ സംഭവമായിരുന്നു അത്‌. വിശാലഹിന്ദു സമ്മേളനത്തിന്റെ സംഘാടകസമിതി തുടര്‍ന്ന്‌ ഒരു സംഘടനയായി തുടര്‍ന്ന്‌ പ്രവര്‍ത്തിക്കാന്‍ തീരുമാനിക്കുകയും ചെയ്തു. തുടര്‍ന്ന്‌ 1982 ജൂണ്‍ 6 ന്‌ എറണാകുളം ദക്ഷിണഭാരത ഹിന്ദി പ്രചാരസഭാ ഹാളില്‍ എ.ആര്‍.ശ്രീനിവാസന്റെ അധ്യക്ഷതയില്‍ ചേര്‍ന്ന വിശാലഹിന്ദു സമ്മേളന നിര്‍വ്വാഹക സമിതി യോഗത്തിലാണ്‌ കര്‍ക്കിടകമാസം രാമായണ മാസമായി ആചരിക്കാന്‍ തീരുമാനിച്ചത്‌. ശ്രീനാരായണ ഗുരുദേവന്‍, ചട്ടമ്പിസ്വാമികള്‍, മഹാത്മാ അയ്യങ്കാളി എന്നിവരുടെ ജയന്തി ദിനങ്ങള്‍ ആചാര്യ ത്രയം എന്ന രീതിയില്‍ സമാഘോഷിക്കാനും യോഗം തീരുമാനിച്ചു.
മുനിഞ്ഞുകത്തുന്ന നിലവിളക്കു വെട്ടത്തില്‍ മുത്തശ്ശിമാര്‍ ഒരു ചടങ്ങുപോലെ വായിച്ചു തീര്‍ത്ത രാമായണം ഗ്രാമ-നഗര-ഭേദമെന്യേ പൊതുവേദികളില്‍ വായിക്കാന്‍ തുടങ്ങി. ക്ഷേത്രസങ്കേതങ്ങളില്‍, പൊതുവേദികളില്‍ രാമായണ വായനക്കപ്പുറത്തേക്ക്‌ രാമായണദര്‍ശനത്തിന്റെ ഗരിമ വിളംബരം ചെയ്യുന്ന വിദ്വല്‍ സദസ്സുകള്‍ ആരംഭിച്ചു. സെമിനാറുകളും വിചാരസദസുകളും രാമായണ പ്രഭാഷണപരമ്പരകളും ആരംഭിച്ചു. കാലഹരണപ്പെടാത്ത ആചാരരീതികളെ കാലത്തിന്റെ മാറ്റത്തിനൊത്ത്‌ പരിഷ്കരിച്ചു കൊണ്ട്‌ കേരള സമൂഹം രാമായണ മാസാചരണത്തെ ഏറ്റുവാങ്ങി.
എന്നാല്‍ എളുപ്പമായിരുന്നില്ല ഈ സംക്രമണദശ. രാമായണ മാസാചരണത്തെ എതിര്‍ക്കാന്‍ പതിവുപോലെ കേരളത്തിലും ചിലരുണ്ടായി. മാര്‍ക്സിസ്റ്റ്‌ പാര്‍ട്ടിയും പുരോഗമന കലാസാഹിത്യസംഘവും രാമായണമാസാചരണത്തെ ശക്തമായി എതിര്‍ത്തുകൊണ്ട്‌ രംഗത്തുവന്നു. രാമായണമല്ല രാവണായനമാണ്‌ വേണ്ടതെന്ന ആഹ്വാനവും ശ്രീരാമനെയും സീതയെയും രാമായണത്തെയും പുച്ഛിച്ചുകൊണ്ടും എഴുത്തും പ്രഭാഷണവും അരങ്ങേറി. തിരുനല്ലൂര്‍കരുണാകരന്‍ മുതല്‍ ഇഎംഎസ്‌ വരെ അണിനിരന്ന ഈ എതിര്‍പ്പിന്‌ കരുത്തായി സിപിഎം പാര്‍ട്ടിയന്ത്രവും പ്രവര്‍ത്തിച്ചു. സുദീര്‍ഘമായ സംവാദങ്ങള്‍, മറുപടികള്‍ കൊണ്ട്‌ കേരളത്തിന്റെ വൈചാരിക രംഗം ചൂടുപിടിച്ചു.
1982 ജൂലൈ 25 തിരുവനന്തപുരത്ത്‌ കേരള യൂണിവേഴ്സിറ്റി സ്റ്റുഡന്‍സ്‌ സെന്ററില്‍ ചേര്‍ന്ന പുരോഗമന കലാസാഹിത്യ സംഘം ജില്ലാകമ്മിറ്റി സംഘടിപ്പിച്ച സാംസ്കാരിക സമ്മേളനം ഉദ്ഘാടനം ചെയ്തു കൊണ്ട്‌ തിരുനെല്ലൂര്‍ കരുണാകരന്‍ ഇങ്ങനെ പറഞ്ഞു “ശ്രീരാമന്‍ രാജ്യം ഭരിച്ചിരുന്ന രാമരാജ്യത്തില്‍ ഒരു ശുദ്രന്‍ തപസുചെയ്തു. വിവരമറിഞ്ഞ വിശ്വാമിത്രന്‍ ശുദ്രന്‍ തപസുചെയ്യുന്നത്‌ അധര്‍മ്മമാണെന്ന്‌ ശ്രീരാമനെ അറിയിച്ചു. രാമന്‍ ആ ശുദ്ധാത്മാവിന്റെ കഴുത്തു വെട്ടി. രാമരാജ്യം പുന:സ്ഥാപിക്കാന്‍ ശ്രമിക്കുന്നവര്‍ക്കെതിരെ ജാഗ്രത പാലിക്കണം”
ഇഎംഎസ്‌ നമ്പൂതിരിപ്പാട്‌ മാര്‍ക്സിസവും മലയാള സാഹിത്യവും എന്ന പുസ്തകത്തില്‍ എഴുതി: “ഈ കൃതികള്‍ (രാമായണവും മഹാഭാരതവും) കേരള ജനതയുടെ പുരോഗതി തടസ്സപ്പെടുത്തുന്ന ഒരുവീക്ഷണഗതിയാണ്‌ സാധാരണക്കാരുടെ മനസില്‍ ഉണര്‍ത്തിവിട്ടത്‌ എന്ന്‌ തീര്‍ച്ചയാണ്‌. രാമായണത്തിലും മഹാഭാരതത്തിലും ആവിഷ്കരിക്കപ്പെട്ടിട്ടുള്ള മതപരമായ വേലിക്കെട്ടുകള്‍ തകര്‍ത്തു മുന്നേറിയാലല്ലാതെ കേരളീയ ജനതയ്ക്ക്‌ സ്വയം പരിഷ്കരിക്കാനും മനുഷ്യസമൂഹത്തിന്റെ പുതിയ നേട്ടങ്ങളുടെ അടിസ്ഥാനത്തില്‍ തങ്ങളുടെ സാഹിത്യവും സംസ്കാരവും വികസിപ്പിച്ചെടുക്കാനും സാധ്യമല്ല.
എന്നാല്‍ ഇത്തരം ദുര്‍വ്യാഖ്യാനങ്ങള്‍ക്ക്‌ മറുപടി പറഞ്ഞുകൊണ്ട്‌ ഇതിഹാസ സമാനമായ വൈചാരിക മുന്നേറ്റമാണ്‌ കേരളത്തില്‍ നടന്നത്‌. പി.പരമേശ്വര്‍ജിയും പി. മാധവ്ജിയുടെയും നേതൃത്വത്തില്‍ നടത്തിയ വൈചാരിക മഥനത്തില്‍ രാവണപക്ഷം തോറ്റൊടുങ്ങിയെന്ന്‌ ചരിത്രം.
കേരളം കര്‍ക്കിടകത്തെ രാമായണമാസമാക്കി മാറ്റി. കേവല വായനക്കപ്പുറത്തേക്ക്‌ രാമായണദര്‍ശനം ജീവിതത്തിന്‌ വഴികാട്ടുന്ന തരത്തിലുള്ള ആഴമേറിയ ചര്‍ച്ചകള്‍ക്ക്‌ തുടക്കം കുറിച്ചത്‌ അങ്ങനെയാണ്‌. ഒരു വര്‍ഷം കഴിയുമ്പോഴേക്കും ഇഎംഎസ്സടക്കം അടവുമാറ്റി. രാമായണം പോലെയുള്ള ക്ലാസിക്‌ കൃതികള്‍ ഇന്ത്യന്‍ ജനതയുടെ പൊതുസ്വത്താണെന്നും ഒരു കാര്യവിചാരവുമില്ലാതെ മാര്‍ക്സിസ്റ്റ്‌ വിമര്‍ശകര്‍ അത്തരം കൃതികളെ വിമര്‍ശിച്ചത്‌ പ്രാകൃതമായ മാര്‍ക്സിസമാണെന്നും നമ്പൂതിരിപ്പാടു ചുവടുമാറ്റി.
രാമായണ മാസാചരണത്തെക്കുറിച്ച്‌ ഭാരതീയവിചാരകേന്ദ്രം ഡയരക്ടര്‍ പി.പരമേശ്വരന്‍ പറയുന്നു, “കര്‍ക്കിടകമാസത്തില്‍ രാമായണ വായന കേരളത്തില്‍ പതിവുണ്ടായിരുന്നു. എന്നാല്‍ രാമായണമാസാചരണം അതിന്‌ സാമൂഹികമായ മാനം നല്‍കി. രാമായണത്തെക്കുറിച്ചും അതിലെ കഥാപാത്രങ്ങളെക്കുറിച്ചും പ്രബുദ്ധമായ ചര്‍ച്ചകള്‍ നടന്നു. രാമായണം സമൂഹജീവിതത്തിനുപയുക്തമായ രീതിയില്‍ പ്രയോജനപ്പെടുത്തുക എന്നതാണ്‌ മാസാചരണം ലക്ഷ്യംവെച്ചത്‌. കേവലം വായനമാത്രമല്ല”
ഇന്ന്‌ ക്ഷേത്രസങ്കേതങ്ങള്‍ മുതല്‍ സര്‍വ്വകലാശാലകള്‍ വരെ രാമായണചര്‍ച്ചകള്‍ നടക്കുന്നു. മാധ്യമങ്ങളില്‍ രാമായണ മാസദിനാചരണങ്ങളുടെ വാര്‍ത്തകള്‍ കൊണ്ട്‌ നിറയുന്നു. കള്ളക്കര്‍ക്കിടകം രാമായണമാസാചരണത്തിന്‌ വഴിമാറിയത്‌ സോദ്ദേശ്യ പൂര്‍ണ്ണമായ ഒരു പ്രയത്നത്തിന്റെ ഫലമായിരുന്നു. കേരളത്തെ പുന:സൃഷ്ടിക്കാനുള്ള മഹാപ്രയത്നത്തിലെ ചെറുതല്ലാത്ത ഒരു ചുവട്‌.
ആ ചരിത്ര മുഹൂര്‍ത്തത്തെ പി.പരമേശ്വരന്‍ ഓര്‍ത്തെടുക്കുന്നു
“വിശാലഹിന്ദുസമ്മേളനം ഒറ്റപ്പെട്ട ഒരു സംഭവമായിരുന്നില്ല. ഭാരതത്തിലെമ്പാടും ഇത്തരം വിരാട്‌ ഹിന്ദുസമ്മേളനങ്ങള്‍ നടന്നിരുന്നു. അതിന്റെ ഭാഗമായാണ്‌ കൊച്ചിയിലും വിശാലഹിന്ദുസമ്മേളനം നടന്നത്‌. ഡോ.കരണ്‍സിംഗായിരുന്നു അന്ന്‌ മുഖ്യാതിഥിയായി പങ്കെടുത്തത്‌. എം.കെ. കെ. നായര്‍,പി. മാധവ്ജി, കെ.ഭാസ്കര്‍ റാവുജി എന്നിവരൊക്കെയായിരുന്നു ഇതിന്റെ മുഖ്യ ആസൂത്രകരായി ഉണ്ടായിരുന്നത്‌.പുരോഗമനകലാസാഹിത്യസംഘം രാമായണവും ഭാരതവും ചുട്ടെരിക്കണമെന്ന ആഹ്വാനം മുഴക്കിയകാലമായിരുന്നു അത്‌. പലയിടങ്ങളിലും അവരത്‌ നടപ്പാക്കുകയും ചെയ്തു. നമ്മുടെ പൈതൃകത്തെ നശിപ്പിക്കാനുള്ള നീക്കമായാണ്‌ ഇതിനെ കണ്ടത്‌. ഈ സാഹചര്യത്തിലാണ്‌ രാമായണമാസാചരണം വ്യാപകമായി നടത്തണമെന്ന ചിന്ത ഉടലെടുത്തത്‌. വിശാലഹിന്ദു സമ്മേളനത്തിന്റെ കൊച്ചി യോഗത്തില്‍ വച്ച്‌ അത്തരമൊരു പ്രമേയം അംഗീകരിക്കുകയും ചെയ്തു.
വീടുകളില്‍ ഒറ്റപ്പെട്ട നിലയില്‍ രാമായണവായന നടന്നുവന്നിരുന്നു. എന്നാല്‍ ഊര്‍ജ്ജസ്വലമായ രീതിയില്‍ നടന്നിരുന്നില്ല. കേവലം രാമായണ പാരായണം മാത്രമായിരുന്നില്ല രാമായണ മാസാചരണം ലക്ഷ്യം വെച്ചത്‌. രാമായണത്തിന്റെ പ്രസക്തിയും പ്രാധാന്യവും വിശദമാക്കുന്ന വിചാരസഭകളും പ്രഭാഷണങ്ങളും ആരംഭിച്ചു.
ഇന്ന്‌ പാരായണം മാത്രമായി ഒതുങ്ങിപ്പോവുകയാണ്‌. വീടുകളിലും ക്ഷേത്രങ്ങളിലും രാമായണ പാരായണം നടക്കുന്നുണ്ട്‌. എന്നാല്‍ രാമായണത്തിന്റെ പ്രാധാന്യവും പ്രസക്തിയും സമൂഹത്തെ ബോദ്ധ്യപ്പെടുത്തുന്ന പരിപാടികള്‍ പൊതുവേ കുറവാണ്‌. രാമായണത്തിന്റെ പ്രസക്തി ഇന്നു കൂടിവരികയാണ്‌. ഉത്തമഭരണാധികാരിയുടെയും ഉത്തമഭര്‍ത്താവിന്റെയും ഭാര്യയുടെയും സഹോദരസ്നേഹത്തിന്റെയും ഉദാത്ത മാതൃകകള്‍ രാമായണം കാണിച്ചുതരുന്നു. രാമായണ കഥാപാത്രങ്ങള്‍ ആദര്‍ശമാതൃകകളാണ്‌. ശ്രീരാമനെ മാതൃകാപുരുഷനായാണ്‌ വാല്മീകി അവതരിപ്പിക്കുന്നത്‌. ആനുകാലിക സമൂഹത്തിന്റെ ധാര്‍മിക അപചയത്തിന്‌ നമ്മുടെ പാരമ്പര്യത്തില്‍ നിന്നും പരിഹാരം കണ്ടെത്തണം. അതിന്‌ രാമായണ മാസാചരണം ഉപയുക്തമാക്കണം.”

Jun 19, 2014

Indian Nurses in Iraqi Hospital Wait for Violence to Subside....

Forty-six nurses from the southern Indian state of Kerala are secluded in a hospital in Tikrit, the Iraqi city that was captured by extremists on June 11, unable to leave amid the violence and chaos that have gripped the country.Abandoned by most of the hospital’s Iraqi staff, the nurses, whose homes in Kerala are worlds away from the desert city in which they now live, stayed behind because they had nowhere to go. They have been isolated since the city was taken over by Islamist forces and are now awaiting help. Some want assurances of safe passage.“We don’t know what’s going on outside,” said Tona Joseph, 24, who said her twin sister, Veena, also a nurse, was sitting beside her in a patient’s ward on the second floor of the hospital. “We haven’t stepped outside for the last five days.”Interviewed by telephone, the nurses said they believed that fighters were nearby, perhaps even in front of the hospital. Some patients stayed behind, as well as a few doctors. The nurses said they had been staying in the patients’ wards. On Wednesday, the Indian government announced that 40 Indian construction workers had been kidnapped from the Iraqi city of Mosul.Soumya K.B., a 26-year-old nurse who said she sat beside Tona, said that Iraq was peaceful when she arrived 10 months ago. But the day the violence hit Tikrit, most of the Iraqi staff members in the hospital left and did not come back.“Everyone else has deserted us,” she said.Veena Joseph said that some offered parting words of advice: Leave the country as soon as possible. Things will escalate.The nurses were visited by the Iraqi Red Crescent Society, a humanitarian organization, and were told that fighters were nearby. The Red Crescent charged the nurses’ cellphones, which has enabled them to stay in touch with their families.The nurses said they had stopped watching television, which plays only Iraqi news, because it was dominated by images of gun fighting and its programming was in a language that they could not understand.“We don’t feel like watching it anymore,” said Ms. Joseph, who like many in Kerala is Christian, and now spends much of her time praying. “It was scaring us.”Ms. Joseph said that they heard gunfire and bomb blasts in the evening two days ago, which lasted half an hour and shook the hospital walls. The nurses opened their windows so that the glass would not break, and they took shelter in the hallway to wait out the fighting.“The Red Cross said that they will try to rescue us once the road clears up,” Tona Joseph said. “They said they can’t confirm if the officers in front of the hospital are army or ISIS.” Many of the militants who took control of Tikrit on June 11 are aligned with the extremist group Islamic State in Iraq and Syria.Not all of the other staff members abandoned them. A few stayed and are bringing the nurses tea and samoun, a type of Iraqi bread. The nurses said they did not know how they would manage to find food should the kitchen staff leave. Before the Red Crescent arrived, the nurses said, they were running out of water.The nurses made their journey from their villages in Kerala to help pay off their families’ debts, they said. The father of the Joseph twins said that each of his three daughters had taken nursing jobs in Delhi because the salaries in Kerala were very low. An agency in Delhi placed them in Iraq.“We thought about it a lot, but the money was good,” said the father, C.C. Joseph, speaking by phone from his village. “We have debts.”He said that he was unsure if he could marry his three daughters off on the money he makes as a truck driver and that the salaries in Tikrit were too good to pass up.Sumi Jose, a nurse from Kothamangalam, in central Kerala, said that she paid the placement agency 150,000 rupees, or $2,488, for her job. She said she took the position in Iraq to help her father, a farmer, back home.“We knew it was a dangerous country, but we need to look after our families,” she said.The Iraqi Ministry of Health has recruited hundreds of nurses from India, according to the Indian Embassy’s website. Several thousand Indians now live and work in Iraq, and according to the embassy website, the number was growing because extensive reconstruction of the country has created more jobs.The nurses who were interviewed all said they wanted to return home, though they said that others in the group wanted to keep working in Iraq.The nurses said they had been assured by their families, the Iraqi government and the Iraqi Red Crescent that they were safe.“Everyone seems to be saying that nothing will happen to us,” said Ms. Jose. “I hope they turn out to be right.”  

Jun 9, 2014

Mango: The New Diabetes & Cancer Buster



The most popular fresh fruit in the world, mangoes are a whole lot more than just a delicious, refreshing treat produced by nature. As evidenced by copious scientific research, mangoes are also a powerful medicinal food, as they contain nutrients that can help clear up skin, promote eye health, stave off diabetes, and even prevent the formation and spread of cancer.

The most popular fresh fruit in the world, mangoes are a whole lot more than just a delicious, refreshing treat produced by nature. As evidenced by copious scientific research, mangoes are also a powerful medicinal food, as they contain nutrients that can help clear up skin, promote eye health, stave off diabetes, and even prevent the formation and spread of cancer.

Research recently presented at a meeting of the Federation of American Societies for Experimental Biology (FASEB), for instance, revealed that eating mangoes every day can help moderate and even lower blood sugar levels, despite their natural sugar content. This is good news for people with type 2 diabetes who may benefit from consuming mangoes regularly as part of a low-sugar diet.

For their study, researchers tested the effects of mangoes on a group of obese animals, some of whom were given 10 grams of freeze-dried mango every day for 12 weeks. At the end of three months, the blood sugar levels of those animals that consumed mango were compared to those that did not consume mango. Based on the data, mango consumption was found to result in a significant decline in blood sugar levels. 

"Although the mechanism by which mango exerts its effects warrants further investigation, we do know that mangoes contain a complex mixture of polyphenolic compounds," says Dr. Edralin Lucas, Ph.D., author of the study. Similar research out of Australia found back in 2006 that eating mango can also help decrease inflammation and resulting high cholesterol, as well as block the formation of various health conditions included under the banner of metabolic syndrome. In essence, mangoes actually work better than cholesterol drugs at naturally balancing and optimizing cellular function throughout the body.



  "We don't know yet how the whole thing's going to play out but we know some of the individual components (of mango) activate these receptors and even inhibit them," said a doctor from University of Queensland about the effects of mango consumption on cellular processes. "That could end up with positive nutritional health benefits for diabetes and high cholesterol." And again in 2011, researchers from Oklahoma State University found that mango consumption helps lower insulin resistance and improve glucose tolerance in test mice. The same study also found that mangoes help normalize lipid levels throughout the blood, which in turn can help prevent the development of cardiovascular disease. 

*Eating mangoes can also help you avoid cancer.* But the health benefits of mango do not stop here. Science has identified more than 4,000 different antioxidant polyphenols in the plant kingdom, and many of these polyphenols are present in mangoes. The primary benefit of these polyphenols is that they scavenge damaging free radicals and protect cells against damage, which is believed to facilitate and even promote cancer.

 "If you look at [mango] from the physiological and nutritional standpoint, taking everything together, it would be a high-ranking superfood," says Dr. Susanne Talcott, who together with her husband discovered back in 2010 that mango compounds target both colon and breast cancer cells.

"What we found is that not all cell lines are sensitive to the same extent to an anticancer agent. But the breast and colon cancer lines underwent apoptosis, or programmed cell death. Additionally, we found that when we tested normal colon cells side by side with the colon cancer cells, that the mango polyphenolics did not harm the normal cells." In other words, mango compounds effectively target and eliminate harmful cancer cells while leaving healthy cells alone, a phenomenon that is unique to nature and nowhere to be found in pharmaceutical-based medicine. Chemotherapy and radiation, for instance, which are the two most popular conventional treatments for cancer, damage healthy cells along with malignant cells, which is why the treatments are a failure as far as long-term survival is concerned.

May 27, 2014

Here's A Simple Trick For Making Your Resume Stand Out... Your resume will get more calls if you do this...

In these challenging times, so many resumes come in for a single job opening that companies have trouble finding the best candidate. Also, interested applicants have difficulty getting their resume in front of someone that will invite them to an interview. A successful resume is one that gets you through the door, generating a job interview for you. Once you are in the building, you take your best shot at winning that job.
Employers are looking for the BEST FIT. They have a problem and they need to solve it quickly. They will only take a few seconds to look at your resume and they will quickly determine if you're worth their time to talk to.
From my experience, these are the most common problems with the resume:
  • CAREER OBJECTIVE - People like to announce their career objective and aspirations on the top of their resume. We have been led to believe that this shows you to be a highly motivated and ambitious individual. This is a mistake. The decision maker is wasting valuable seconds reading about your career objective and may move on to the next resume. No one cares about your career objective. Nobody cares. NOBODY. The decision maker has a problem and they want the answer to just one simple question, "CAN YOU HELP ME SOLVE IT?"
  • EMPLOYMENT HISTORY - The recruiter or the decision maker will quickly glance over the job descriptions of your previous jobs, looking for commonalities, similar skills or experience that match the job opening that you're applying for. If your job description doesn't clearly show that, it's over. You're done.
Here is a quick and easy way to correct it, improving your chances of getting a phone call:
  • Replace Career Objective with QUALIFICATIONS - The recruiter or decision maker is looking for someone that closely matches the job opening so make it easy for them by listing all of skills and experience at the very top of your resume. If they want to read the rest of your resume, they can, but they don't have to. You told them everything they needed to know. You gave them what they were looking for. If the position requires a certain level of experience in a particular skill (ex: 5 years of customer service experience), add up all of your years of customer service experience from every job you've had and list it in bullet points. If a college degree is required, list it here. If you think a particular skill is helpful (ex: fluent in Cantonese), list it here.
For example, the top of your resume might look something like this:
Kiran Viswas
645, Main Street, Panampilly Nagar, Kochi - 682036 | 919xxxxxxxxx | kiran@email.com | @kiran
Qualifications:
  • Bachelor's degree
  • 7 years of customer service experience
  • 3 years of outside sales experience
  • Fluent in Spanish
  • 6 years of healthcare experience
Next you'd list your relevant work experience in chronological order, starting with your most recent job. 
Hope this helps!

Mar 6, 2014

A BIZARRE LEGAL CASE.
At the 1994 annual awards dinner given for Forensic Science, AAFS President Dr Don Harper Mills astounded his audience with the legal complications of a bizarre death.

Here is the Case:
On March 23, 1994 the medical examiner viewed the body of Ronald Opus and concluded that he died from a shotgun wound to the head. Mr. Opus had jumped from the top of a ten-story building intending to commit suicide. He left a note to the effect indicating his despondency. As he fell past the ninth floor his life was interrupted by a shotgun blast passing through a window, which killed him instantly. Neither the shooter nor the deceased was aware that a safety net had been installed just below the eighth floor level to protect some building workers and that Ronald Opus would not have been able to complete his suicide the way he had planned.
"Ordinarily," Dr Mills continued, "A person, who sets out to commit suicide and ultimately succeeds, even though the mechanism might not be what he intended, is still defined as committing suicide."
That Mr. Opus was shot on the way to certain death, but probably would not have been successful because of the safety net, caused the medical examiner to feel that he had a homicide on his hands.
In the room on the ninth floor, where the shotgun blast emanated, was occupied by an elderly man and his wife. They were arguing vigorously and he was threatening her with a shotgun. The man was so upset that when he pulled the trigger he completely missed his wife and the pellets went through the window striking Mr. Opus. When one intends to kill subject "A" but kills subject "B" in the attempt, one is guilty of the murder of subject "B".
When confronted with the murder charge the old man and his wife were both adamant and both said that they thought the shotgun was unloaded. The old man said it was a long-standing habit to threaten his wife with the unloaded shotgun. He had no intention to murder her. Therefore the killing of Mr. Opus appeared to be an accident; that is, if the gun had been accidentally loaded.
The continuing investigation turned up a witness who saw the old couple's son loading the shotgun about six weeks prior to the fatal accident. It transpired that the old lady had cut off her son's financial support and the son, knowing the propensity of his father to use the shotgun threateningly, loaded the gun with the expectation that his father would shoot his mother. Since the loader of the gun was aware of this, he was guilty of the murder even though he didn't actually pull the trigger. The case now becomes one of murder on the part of the son for the death of Ronald Opus.
Now comes the exquisite twist. Further investigation revealed that the son was, in fact, Ronald Opus. He had become increasingly despondent over the failure of his attempt to engineer his mother's murder. This led him to jump off the ten-story building on March 23rd, only to be killed by a shotgun blast passing through the ninth story window. The son had actually murdered himself, so the medical examiner closed the case as a suicide.

A true story from Associated Press, Reported by Kurt Westervelt

Jan 29, 2014

Dumb Rahul Gandhi says " Politics is everywhere, it's in your shirt, in your pant .... " Thank God he didn't go further beyond pants... When this video was originally published no body took it seriously. But since you know his stuff now from the Times Now interview this video attains more relevance... See for yourselves how the dynasty politics turns into nasty politics...


Jan 13, 2014

    NaMo & the riots in India
      Recently, India's most well-known film script-writer Salim Khan (actor Salman  Khan's father) has said to a senior journalist in an interview: "Does anyone remember who the chief minister of Maharashtra
      was during the Mumbai riots which were no less deadly than the Gujarat
      riots of 2002?
       
      Does anyone recall the name of the chief minister of UP during Malliana and Meerut riots or that of the Bihar CM when the Bhagalpur or Jamshedpur riots under Congress regimes took place?
       
      Do we hear names of earlier chief ministers of Gujarat under whose charge, hundreds of riots took place in post-Independence India?
       
      Does anyone remember who was in-charge of Delhi's security when the 1984 massacre of Sikhs took place in the capital of India?
       
      How come Narendra Modi has been singled out as the Devil Incarnate as if he personally carried out all the killings during the
      riots of 2002?"
       
      No speck of doubt about what Salim Khan has said.
       
      When one says Gujarat's agriculture growth is 10-11% since whole last decade
      The other says 2002 Riots!
       
      When one says he made the Asia's biggest solar plant,
      The other says 2002 Riots!
       
      When one says Gujarat is the only state in the whole of India to provide 24*7 and 365 days electricity to almost all of its 18,000 villages,
      The other says 2002 Riots!
       
      When one says - World Bank's statement of 2011 said, Gujarat roads are equivalent to international standards,
      The other says 2002 Riots!
       
      When one says Gujarat is the first State in country to have "high speed wireless Broadband service in its all 18,000 villages,
      The other says 2002 Riots!
       
      When one says Forbes Magazine rated Ahmadabad as the fastest growing city in India and 3rd in the world,
      The other says 2002 Riots!
       
      When one says Gujarat Tourism is growing faster than ever before,
      The other says 2002 Riots!
       
      When one says according to central govt's Labour Bureau's report, Gujarat has the lowest unemployment rate in country,
      The other says 2002 Riots!
       
      When Narendra Modi is being chosen as the best current Indian leader in almost all surveys & polls again and again
      The other says 2002 Riots!
       
      When one says 2003-2013 are the only 10 straight years in Gujarat history which are totally riot-free,
      The other STILL says 2002 Riots!
       
      But when we remind them about riots which occurred during Congress and in Communist Party rule :
       
       
       
      1947 Bengal...5,000 to 10,000...DEAD..CONGRESS RULE.
       
      1964 Rourkela......2,000....DEAD.........CONGRESS RULE.
       
      1967 Ranchi......200.........DEAD...........CONGRESS RULE.
       
      1969 Ahmedabad......512......DEAD.....CONGRESS RULE.
       
      1970 Bhiwandi.....80.......DEAD...........CONGRESS RULE.
       
      1979 Jamshedpur......125......DEAD....CPIM RULE (COMMUNIST PARTY)

      1980 Moradabad....2,000......DEAD.....CONGRESS RULE.

      1983 Nellie Assam...5,000.....DEAD....CONGRESS RULE.
       
      1984 anti-Sikh Delhi....2,733.....DEAD...CONGRESS RULE
       
      1984 Bhiwandi....146.....DEAD........CONGRESS RULE
       
      1985 Gujarat..........300....DEAD.........CONGRESS RULE
       
      1986 Ahmedabad........59......DEAD....CONGRESS RULE
       
      1987 Meerut.....81.......DEAD........CONGRESS RULE
       
      1989 Bhagalpur...........1,070...DEAD.....CONGRESS RULE
       
      1990 Hyderabad.....300 PLUS..DEAD....CONGRESS RULE
       
      1992 Mumbai.....900 TO 2000...DEAD...CONGRESS RULE
       
      1992 Aligarh......176......DEAD......CONGRESS RULE
       
      1992 Surat....175....DEAD....CONGRESS RULE
       
       

      they become totally deaf because they have no answer.
      Congress is a government of hypocrites.



       

      The youth of India says:


       
      We are not interested in 2002, We are interested in 2022