Making of J & K State
At a time when many a centuries old states or principalities, spread all over India, was toppling down like a house of cards before the British bulldozer, Gulab Singh, a soldier statesman, built up a new kingdom. It spread from the Panjab plains to Karrakoram Mountains in the north and Tibet and Mansarover in the east to the Jhelum and Mangla Mai temple in the west, with a total area of 84,471 square miles, which extended India's frontier across the Himalayas. Gulab Singh came from the ruling family of Jammu, joined Maharajah Ranjit Singh's army, rose to be its top general. He was made the ruler of Jammu, as a tributary. Kashmir Valley was then a separate province of the Lahore kingdom.
Extension of Kingdom to Mansarover
Gulab Singh began to expand his fief right and left. His greatest achievements, however, were the four campaigns led by his General Zorawar Singh, which extended his State right upto the banks of the Mansarovar. His plan was to make Mansarovar lake a part of the Dogra kingdom of Gulab Singh and go right upto Lhasa, the capital of Tibet. In the winter of 1838, he was on the bank of Mansarovar. He was advised by his local allies to take rest during the winter at some monastery and then proceed further. But, he ignored the advice. As a result, most of his soldiers and he himself were frozen to death on the banks of the lake. This marked the end of a legendary soldier. Tibetans hit back. They not only pushed back the remaining forces of Zorawar Singh from Mansarovar but also succeeded in re-occupying Ladakh.
Gulab Singh began to expand his fief right and left. His greatest achievements, however, were the four campaigns led by his General Zorawar Singh, which extended his State right upto the banks of the Mansarovar. His plan was to make Mansarovar lake a part of the Dogra kingdom of Gulab Singh and go right upto Lhasa, the capital of Tibet. In the winter of 1838, he was on the bank of Mansarovar. He was advised by his local allies to take rest during the winter at some monastery and then proceed further. But, he ignored the advice. As a result, most of his soldiers and he himself were frozen to death on the banks of the lake. This marked the end of a legendary soldier. Tibetans hit back. They not only pushed back the remaining forces of Zorawar Singh from Mansarovar but also succeeded in re-occupying Ladakh.
This action was followed by another campaign led by another general of Gulab Singh who threw back the Tibetans from Ladakh and forced them to sign the Treaty of Leh in September 1841. According to this treaty, the traditional border between Ladakh and Tibet was to be recognised by both the sides. At the same time, two villages in the Mansarovar region, one called Minsar, were kept under control of Gulab Singh. The income of these villages was to be used for keeping a lamp burning on behalf of the Jammu Durbar in a temple on the banks of the lake all the year round. The territory of Ladakh then included the barren plateau called Chang Thang which Chinese have given the new name of Aksai Chin.
The next major development in the making of J &K State was the Treaty of Amritsar, between the British and Maharajah Gulab Singh in 1846. According to it, the British accepted Gulab Singh as the master of all the mountain territory between the Ravi and the Jhelum. This territory the Lahore Durbar had ceded to the British in lieu of 75 lac Nanak Shahi rupees to be paid to the British as war reparations for the first Anglo-Sikh war. However, all this territory, except Kashmir valley and Gilgit, was already in the control of Gulab Singh. The only new area he gained was Kashmir Valley. Thus, the State of Jammu & Kashmir came into being. After acquiring the valley, Gulab Singh made Srinagar the summer capital of his vast kingdom.
Century of Dogra Rule (1846 - 1947)
The Dogras ruled over this vast state with a firm hand. They made Baltistan and Ladakh one province of their kingdom with Leh on river Sindhu as its summer capital and Skardu also on the Sindhu, as its winter capital. Every revenue official of the Dogra government had to go to Mansarovar across Chang Thang, at least once in his 3 year tenure. My late father, Jagannath Madhok, had also gone across Chang Thang upto the border with Tibet, during his tenure. He had vivid memories of his long ride across Chang Thang.
The Dogras ruled over this vast state with a firm hand. They made Baltistan and Ladakh one province of their kingdom with Leh on river Sindhu as its summer capital and Skardu also on the Sindhu, as its winter capital. Every revenue official of the Dogra government had to go to Mansarovar across Chang Thang, at least once in his 3 year tenure. My late father, Jagannath Madhok, had also gone across Chang Thang upto the border with Tibet, during his tenure. He had vivid memories of his long ride across Chang Thang.
Because of his ill-health, Gulab Singh abdicated in favour of his son Ranbir Singh, who became the ruler in accordance with the best Hindu tradition and began living in Srinagar. The first big challenge to the Dogra rule came after the rulers of Hunza and Nagar in the Gilgit area. They rose in rebellion and defeated the small Dogra army stationed there with great cruelty. Ranbir Singh took this as a challenge to the Dogra rule. He organised a large army from Jammu region, took it across the Himalayas through Burjila pass, into Gilgit and crushed the rebellion. From there, the Dogra army marched into Chitral, the Valley of Swat. In Rigvedic times, Swat was called Sravastu. The Mahattar or ruler of Chitral submitted to the Dogra army and started paying an annual tribute to them. As a result, the prestige of the Dogras rose high in this strategic area. Ranbir Singh ruled for about 33 years, gave the state a modern administration and a civil code, called Ranbir Dand Vidhi or Ranbir Penal Code. So long as Ranbir Singh lived, he did not permit the British to open their residency in his state or interfere in his administration. Things changed after his death. His eldest son, Pratap Singh was of feeble mind. His younger son Amar Singh was a claimant to the throne. The British backed Pratap Singh. That marked the beginning of the British residency at Srinagar and the growing British influence in the J & K state, which brought it at par with other princely states. Pratap Singh had no son. He was succeeded by Hari Singh, the son of Amar Singh in 1925.
Rise of Abdullah as a Tool of The British
Hari Singh was a strong and patriotic ruler. Speaking as the representative of Indian States at the First Round Table Conference at London in 1930, he pleaded the case of India, the land of his nurture, for equal place in the comity of nations. This gave a rude shock to the British government. They then started taking steps to tame Hari Singh. Sheikh Abdullah, whose grandfather was a Hindu convert from the Kaul Brahmin clan to Islam. He was a product of a Madrasa, the Islamia College of Lahore and Aligarh Muslim University. He became an Islamic fundamentalist.
Hari Singh was a strong and patriotic ruler. Speaking as the representative of Indian States at the First Round Table Conference at London in 1930, he pleaded the case of India, the land of his nurture, for equal place in the comity of nations. This gave a rude shock to the British government. They then started taking steps to tame Hari Singh. Sheikh Abdullah, whose grandfather was a Hindu convert from the Kaul Brahmin clan to Islam. He was a product of a Madrasa, the Islamia College of Lahore and Aligarh Muslim University. He became an Islamic fundamentalist.
Abdullah laid the foundation of Islamic separatism in Kashmir under the name of Kashmir Muslim Conference. I first heard him in 1931 at Baramula where he made a fiery anti-Hindu and anti-Maharaja speech, partly in Kashmiri and partly in Urdu. Thus began Sheikh Abdullah's political career as a British agent. He came out in his true colours in July 1946, when he launched the 'Quit Kashmir' movement. All the bridges on the highway to Jammu were burnt down and police stations were occupied. But. his plan was foiled by a rapid action of the Dogra army.
Sheikh was arrested, tried for sedition and given three years imprisonment. Like the proverbial fool, who rushes in where the wise fear to tread, Jawaharlal Nehru went to Srinagar in support of Sheikh Abdullah. The state government banned his entry. Nehru defied the ban. He was arrested and sent back to Delhi. Nehru was then tipped to lead the Interim government at the Centre. This action of the J & K government hit Nehru's ego hard. He became a sworn enemy of Maharajah Hari Singh and a close ally of Sheikh Abdullah. That marked the beginning of the end of the Dogra rule in J&K.
Mountbatten Plan and its impact on Princely States
Publication of the Mountbatten Plan regarding Partition of India on 3rd June 1947 also referred to 500 and odd princely States. This Plan ended the British suzerainty over them and restored to them their freedom without the protection that the British had given them. According to this Plan, the rulers of the Princely States were given two options. One, acceding to either of the two dominions, keeping in view their geographical contiguity or, secondly, stay independent. Since most of the states, including Hyderabad, Junagarh, Bhopal, were surrounded by lndian territory on all sides, they could accede to India only. The states which really had the option to accede to either India or Pakistan were the border States of Kutch, Jaisalmer, Jodhpur, Bahawalpur and J&K, as they were contiguous to India as well as Pakistan. In course of time, all of them, except Bahawalpur, acceded to India because of their overwhelming Hindu majority. Bahawalpur being a Muslim majority state acceded to Pakistan.
Publication of the Mountbatten Plan regarding Partition of India on 3rd June 1947 also referred to 500 and odd princely States. This Plan ended the British suzerainty over them and restored to them their freedom without the protection that the British had given them. According to this Plan, the rulers of the Princely States were given two options. One, acceding to either of the two dominions, keeping in view their geographical contiguity or, secondly, stay independent. Since most of the states, including Hyderabad, Junagarh, Bhopal, were surrounded by lndian territory on all sides, they could accede to India only. The states which really had the option to accede to either India or Pakistan were the border States of Kutch, Jaisalmer, Jodhpur, Bahawalpur and J&K, as they were contiguous to India as well as Pakistan. In course of time, all of them, except Bahawalpur, acceded to India because of their overwhelming Hindu majority. Bahawalpur being a Muslim majority state acceded to Pakistan.
J & K was the only state which had a real option. Taken as a whole, it was a Muslim majority state, but its eastern region including Ladakh and Dogri speaking Jammu had Hindu majorities and were contiguous to each other as also to India. The rest of J & K including Kashmir, had a Muslim majority. Nearly all the Muslim population was for Pakistan. Maharajah Hari Singh, therefore, had three clear options. His state was not only contiguous to Pakistan and India, but also to Tibet and China. Hari Singh's first option was to accede to Pakistan. The second was to accede to India and third to stay independent for the time being.
Sheikh Abdullah was in jail at that time, Thus, he had no role to play. But, his pro-Islamic and pro-Pakistan views were well known. He wanted a separate independent Sheikhdom in Kashmir Valley with the support of Pakistan. This situation put Hari Singh in a dilemma. As a patriot and a nationalist, he was opposed to accede to Pakistan. His own Kashmiri prime minister, Ramchandra Kak was all out for independence. He had a British wife and he was in close touch with pro-independence states like Bhopal. He knew my influence over the Hindu population of the State. So, he invited me for a talk on the subject. He tried to convince me for an independent Kashmir, but had no answer to my pointed questions whether the state could stand independent on its own and whether it would not encourage other States like Hyderabad and Bhopal to stay independent?
Release of Sheikh Abdullah
I gave a report of this meeting to the Maharajah. To my pleasant surprise, the Maharajah dismissed Kak on 10th August and requested Sardar Patel to spare Justice Mehar Chand Mahajan to take over as the Prime Minister of J & K. Mahajan at the time was a judge of the Lahore High Court. He had pleaded the case of Hindus before the Radcliffe Boundary Commission between India and Pakistan. This made it clear that Hari Singh was not pro-independence as generally propagated. He was all for accession to India, but this was made somewhat difficult by two decisions of Prime Minister Nehru. One was to keep the Muslim majority J&K and Hindu majority Hyderabad out of the purview of the Home Minister Sardar Patel. This clearly pointed towards submission to a pro-Muslim mindset of Nehru, who wanted to favour Sheikh Abdullah in J&K and the Nizam in Hyderabad.
I gave a report of this meeting to the Maharajah. To my pleasant surprise, the Maharajah dismissed Kak on 10th August and requested Sardar Patel to spare Justice Mehar Chand Mahajan to take over as the Prime Minister of J & K. Mahajan at the time was a judge of the Lahore High Court. He had pleaded the case of Hindus before the Radcliffe Boundary Commission between India and Pakistan. This made it clear that Hari Singh was not pro-independence as generally propagated. He was all for accession to India, but this was made somewhat difficult by two decisions of Prime Minister Nehru. One was to keep the Muslim majority J&K and Hindu majority Hyderabad out of the purview of the Home Minister Sardar Patel. This clearly pointed towards submission to a pro-Muslim mindset of Nehru, who wanted to favour Sheikh Abdullah in J&K and the Nizam in Hyderabad.
At the instance of Jawaharlal Nehru, Maharajah Hari Singh released Sheikh Abdullah on 30th September 1947. Soon after, Abdullah sent a delegation under the leadership of Ghulam Mohammed Sadiq to Pakistan to get an assurance for the independence of Kashmir under Sheikh Abdullah. In return, the Sheikh was to put all his weight on the accession of the state to Pakistan. According to authentic information, Jinnah told Sadiq that Kashmir was going to fall in his hands like a ripe apple and that he was not prepared to give any assurance to Sheikh Abdullah.
In the meantime, reports reached Srinagar that Pakistan was planning to invade Kashmir, occupy Srinagar and present to the world a fait accompli. I got the first information about it from Dr. S.K, Attri, a leading physician of Srinagar, whose clinic was just across the bridge on river Jhelum. He took me inside his clinic and informed me that some of his elderly clients had told them that Pakistan was going to attack Srinagar. All the Hindus were going to be butchered. As his clients wanted to save him and his family, because of his services, advised him to leave Srinagar with his family at the earliest. Dr. Attri wanted me to find out the truth from my own sources.
My search brought me stunning information from one of the Muslim officers of the state army. My informer brought the news that all the Muslim troops of the state army would desert to Pakistan. The attack was actually launched on 22nd October, 1947. The Pakistan invaders along with the Muslim deserters of the state army, crossed the one span bridge on river Kishen Ganga and then proceeded to Domel. They killed the Hindu commander Col. Narain Singh of the 4th J&K infantry and began to move on the Domel-Srinagar road.
Call from Hari SinghOn 23rd October, there was a midnight knock on my door. As I opened the door, 1 saw the ADC of the Maharajah. He had come to fetch me to the Palace. As I entered the Palace room and greeted the Maharaja with the traditional "Jai Deva", he asked me to sit and told me the reason for calling me. About the same time, a young officer from Uri entered the room. In my presence, the Maharajah told him to go back to Uri and tell Brigadier Rajendra Singh, the officer commanding there, to fight to the last man on the strategic bridge. It was followed by his direct telephone ca11 to the Brigadier to repeat his instruction. Having done this, the Maharajah turned to me. He told me that he had been trying to accede to India, but Nehru had been putting hurdles in his way. He added that he would do anything to save the state from falling into the Pakistani hands.
His real worry, he said, was the illfate of over 50,000 Hindu women in Srinagar. He did not want them to fall to Pakistani marauders and be sold in the bazars of Kabul and Qandhar. He added, "I will die fighting if need be as my ancestors did". Before I left, he told me that he hoped that the accession could take place and Indian army would come soon. But, till it comes I request you to give me a hundred young men to take over the defence of Srinagar, till the arrival of the Indian army. Soon after return to my residence, I called some senior RSS workers who were waiting for me in the RSS office below my house. I asked them to give an emergency call to the workers to assemble at 7 a.m. at the Wazir Bagh Arya Samaj. I was happy to find about 400 young workers, mainly college students, assembled at the Arya Samaj, singing patriotic songs. In a short speech I told them the purpose of calling them. In the meantime, a military truck from Badami Bagh cantonment reached there and I was told that for the time being only 50 young men should be sent for rifle training. By evening, they were sent back to take positions at key points in the city and the airport. On 24th October was Vijay Dashmi (Dushehra). The state army gave a 21 gun salute to the Maharajah as he reached Bat Maloo ground on horse back with his cavalry body guard. After the Vijay Dashmi celebrations, the Maharaja returned to Sher Garhi palace for the ceremonial Dushehra Durbar.
Soon after the Durbar was over, lights went off. It was a signal that the invaders had crossed the Uri bridge and reached Mahura Power House, just ten miles away from Baramula. Brigadier Rajendrs Singh died fighting with his valiant troops at Uri. On 25th October, V.P. Menon, Secretary of the Ministry of States, came to Srinagar, with a message to Hari Singh from Sardar Patel to leave Srinagar immediately to get out of the reach of the invaders. Maharajah Hari Singh drove to Jammu the same night. On 26th morning V. P. Menon reached Jammu and informed the Maharajah that accession would be accepted. It was then that Hari Singh signed the Instrument of Accession and Menon returned to Delhi with this document and J & K Prime Minister Mahajan.
Crucial meeting of the Cabinet
A Cabinet meeting was held at the Teen Murti House with Jawaharlal Nehru on 26th October 1947, where the Instrument of Accession was presented. Unexpectedly Nehru began to have second thoughts on J & K's accession. Mehar Chand Mahajan then stood up and, as recorded in his autobiography, he thundered that if Indian government was not prepared to accept the accession, he, as the Prime Minister of a sovereign State of J & K would fly to Karachi to accede to Pakistan on the condition that no Hindu would be harmed. Then Sardar Patel pacified him and assured him that accession would be accepted
A Cabinet meeting was held at the Teen Murti House with Jawaharlal Nehru on 26th October 1947, where the Instrument of Accession was presented. Unexpectedly Nehru began to have second thoughts on J & K's accession. Mehar Chand Mahajan then stood up and, as recorded in his autobiography, he thundered that if Indian government was not prepared to accept the accession, he, as the Prime Minister of a sovereign State of J & K would fly to Karachi to accede to Pakistan on the condition that no Hindu would be harmed. Then Sardar Patel pacified him and assured him that accession would be accepted
Abdullah played no role
Propagandists of Nehru have been telling that Sheikh Abdullah was listening to the discussion from a sideroom of the house and he sent a chit to Nehru to accept the accession. That is given as a proof of Abdullah's support to J & K' s accession to India, but it is absolutely false. Abdullah made his position clear in his speech at Srinagar on 27th 0ctober, 1947 after Srinagar had been saved from Pakistani invaders.
Propagandists of Nehru have been telling that Sheikh Abdullah was listening to the discussion from a sideroom of the house and he sent a chit to Nehru to accept the accession. That is given as a proof of Abdullah's support to J & K' s accession to India, but it is absolutely false. Abdullah made his position clear in his speech at Srinagar on 27th 0ctober, 1947 after Srinagar had been saved from Pakistani invaders.
Valley saved
Soon after the accession was accepted, airborne troops of the Indian army got ready to fly to Srinagar led by Colonel Ranjit Rai. The Indian troops started reaching Srinagar on 27th morning. Since the road from Srinagar airport to the road leading to Baramula was just close to my residence, my workers had kept some refreshments ready for them. As the military truck carrying the troops was stopped, they told us not to stop them and let them move. And, they moved on with a hearty "Sat Sri Akal". By now, Colonel Ranjit Rai had stopped the advance of Pakistani troops at Pattan at the cost of his life. And then his second-in-commnand, Major Somnath laid down his life at the Srinagar aerodrome at the hands of the invaders. Thus, by the evening, Pakistan advance had been halted.
Soon after the accession was accepted, airborne troops of the Indian army got ready to fly to Srinagar led by Colonel Ranjit Rai. The Indian troops started reaching Srinagar on 27th morning. Since the road from Srinagar airport to the road leading to Baramula was just close to my residence, my workers had kept some refreshments ready for them. As the military truck carrying the troops was stopped, they told us not to stop them and let them move. And, they moved on with a hearty "Sat Sri Akal". By now, Colonel Ranjit Rai had stopped the advance of Pakistani troops at Pattan at the cost of his life. And then his second-in-commnand, Major Somnath laid down his life at the Srinagar aerodrome at the hands of the invaders. Thus, by the evening, Pakistan advance had been halted.
Abdullah reaveals mind Srinagar had been saved which enabled Sheikh Abdullah to fly back to Srinagar from Delhi on an Indian Air Force plane. From the airport, he drove direct to Pratap Chowk where a big crowd was waiting for him. He made a fiery speech immediately after he reached. I listened to him with rapt attention. During his one hour oration in mixed Kashmiri and Urdu, he did not utter a word on accession, nor a word for the martyrs of the Indian army who had made his return to Srinagar possible. The one sentence which he repeated again and again was: "We have picked up the Crown of Kashmir from dust: whether we join India or Pakistan is a matter for the future; first of all, we have to complete our independence".
It gave a lie to the propaganda that he played an effective role in acceptance of J & K's accession to India. It also made the mindset of Abdullah clear in unequivocal terms. It virtually converted political victory of India in the form of peaceful accession to India and military victory by clearing the Valley and saving Srinagar from falling into the hands of Pakistan, into a nullity. This became clear the next day when Sheikh Abdullah was appointed administrator of the whole State of J & K. This was the first Himalayan blunder of Jawaharlal Nehru which lies at the root of the Kashmir problem.
Betrayal of Jammu & Ladakh Regions and Their People
Appointment of Abdullah as the administrator of Kashmir Valley was understandable, but to make him the administrator of the whole of J&K, including Jammu & Ladakh, was a great betrayal of not only the national interest. But also the Jammu region and Dogra people who had built the J&K state, as also of Ladakh and its Buddhist people. They had made it clear through a memorandum sent by their representative organisation the Ladakh Buddhist Association to Maharajah Hari Singh as also to Jawaharlal Nehru, after the accession. They made it clear that they were earlier part of Tibet and whatever relationship they had with J & K state was with the Dogra ruler and they had nothing in common with the Kashmir Valley and its Muslim population. Partition of India had no connection with them.
Appointment of Abdullah as the administrator of Kashmir Valley was understandable, but to make him the administrator of the whole of J&K, including Jammu & Ladakh, was a great betrayal of not only the national interest. But also the Jammu region and Dogra people who had built the J&K state, as also of Ladakh and its Buddhist people. They had made it clear through a memorandum sent by their representative organisation the Ladakh Buddhist Association to Maharajah Hari Singh as also to Jawaharlal Nehru, after the accession. They made it clear that they were earlier part of Tibet and whatever relationship they had with J & K state was with the Dogra ruler and they had nothing in common with the Kashmir Valley and its Muslim population. Partition of India had no connection with them.
Miraculous Escape
After getting complete control over J & K's affairs, Abdhullah first concentrated on digging his roots in the Valley and eliminating al1 his opponents. I came first on his hit list. My workers reported to me on the basis of the conversation with the workers of the National Conference that they were out to eliminate me and 1 should 1eave Kashmir at the earliest. But, my idealism did not permit me to leave my workers in the lurch to save my life. But I had to change my mind when I got another midnight knock on 4th November. The caller was the brother-in-law of Pt. Kashyap Bandhu, the only Hindu in the Committee of the National Conference. He gave me Bandhuji's message that there was talk about me in the National Conference Working Committee and that I should leave Kashmir without any further delay. Kashyap Bandhu was an Arya Samajist and my well-wisher. I couldn't ignore his advice.
After getting complete control over J & K's affairs, Abdhullah first concentrated on digging his roots in the Valley and eliminating al1 his opponents. I came first on his hit list. My workers reported to me on the basis of the conversation with the workers of the National Conference that they were out to eliminate me and 1 should 1eave Kashmir at the earliest. But, my idealism did not permit me to leave my workers in the lurch to save my life. But I had to change my mind when I got another midnight knock on 4th November. The caller was the brother-in-law of Pt. Kashyap Bandhu, the only Hindu in the Committee of the National Conference. He gave me Bandhuji's message that there was talk about me in the National Conference Working Committee and that I should leave Kashmir without any further delay. Kashyap Bandhu was an Arya Samajist and my well-wisher. I couldn't ignore his advice.
After a few hours, some workers of the area, including a relation of the Police Officer incharge of the Kothi Bagh Police Station, came to me and told me that the police was on the way to arrest me. They advised me to leave inmediately. Since I was not in a position to leave instantly they advised me to get ready soon. In the meantime, they took a lock from me and locked the door from outside. After some time, the police party came. My men told them "The Professor has gone for his morning walk". As the police party went back, they opened the lock and asked me to leave. After I had left, they again locked the door. I rushed across Hazuri Bagh ground and reached the house of my principal in Wazir Bagh.
After some time, the workers came there with a diesel driven truck filled with junk. They told me that a feverish search for me was going on and 1 should leave immediately and get out of the Valley by the night. They followed the truck on bicycles. The truck was detained at Batwara check-post because it had no permit. They advised me to take the truck to Jupkar Road house of the hereditary Dewan family, the last scion of which had been married to Barrister Narendrajit Singh, the Sanghchalak of U.P. who lived at Kanpur. He used to come to Srinagar every summer and stay for some time in that house. So the people there knew me. After some time, I got a telephone call to take the truck back to the road and told me to cross the Batwara post and stop after a mile and wait for them.
After a few minutes they reached me on bicycles and told me how they had told the incharge of the Batwara check-post in the voice of Bakshi Ghulam Mohammed, to let the truck pass. The truck reached Kazi Gund from where the Banihal tunnel starts. At Kazi Gund the truck was again stopped. I left it and entered the house of a Kashmiri Pandit, gave him my identity and requested for stay at night. Next morning, a permit holding passenger bus, bound for Jammu, reached Kazi Gund and stopped for a while. As I was standing on the road, a permit holding worker, Kewal Krishan, came to me, gave me the permit and asked me to board the bus for Jammu.
After the bus had moved for half a mile, it stopped. The driver told the passengers that the axle of the bus had broken and a new axle had to be brought from Srinagar. We would have had to stay there for a long time. It immediately struck me that I might have been identified. So, I started on foot towards the tunnel. The tunnel was about 19 miles from there. It took me about 6 hours to reach the tunnel. Before entering the tunnel, I had a wishful glance of the Valley that I was 1eaving behind.
It took me about 15 minutes to cross the tunnel. It was about 4 p.m when 1 reached the other end of the tunnel from which I got a glimpse of Jammu. There was a telegraph office nearby. I gave my identity to the Telegraph Master, a Kashmiri Pandit and asked him for food. He spread a blanket on the grassy slope and asked me to take rest till he brought me food. After taking my meals, I started climbing down by the short-cut with which 1 was familiar and reached Banihal town at about 6.30 p.m. I went straight to the home of the doctor incharge of the Civil Hospital and introduced myself to him. He already knew me well. I spent two days with him and took complete rest. On 8th morning I took the bus from Banihal to Jammu which I reached Jammu by 4 p.m.
Siege of Mirpur and first encounter with Pt. Nehru
After making a survey of the Jammu region, I began planning the formation of a regional political party. At the same time, I learnt about the siege of Mirpur where about 25,000 Hindu refugees, including those from Jhelum, were in terrible danger. They needed immediate military aid. I approached the officer commanding of the Indian army in Jammu, Brigadier Paranjape, at Satwari Cantonment, which also has the aerodrome. He told me that he knew the grave situation in Mirpur and had also the troops to spare, but could do nothing because the deployment of Indian soldiers had been left in the hands of Sheikh Abdullah. Paranjape expressed his dissatisfaction and helplessness and suggested that I should talk to Pt. Nehru who was to fly to Jammu on November 15.On the due date, Paranjape introduced me to Pt. Nehru. I spoke to him about the situation in Mirpur and the need for sending troops for their rescue. Jawaharlal flew into rage and shouted, "Talk to Sheikh Sahib, talk to Sheikh Sahib". (The Sheikh had been there to receive Nehru). I said that I had come to him only when the Sheikh was not prepared to listen. Nehru turned a deaf ear and proceeded towards his car and left with the Sheikh. That was my first encounter with Pt. Nehru, No aid was sent to Mirpur which fell to the Pakistani invaders on 25th November resulting in the slaughter of more than 20,000 Hindu refugees.
After making a survey of the Jammu region, I began planning the formation of a regional political party. At the same time, I learnt about the siege of Mirpur where about 25,000 Hindu refugees, including those from Jhelum, were in terrible danger. They needed immediate military aid. I approached the officer commanding of the Indian army in Jammu, Brigadier Paranjape, at Satwari Cantonment, which also has the aerodrome. He told me that he knew the grave situation in Mirpur and had also the troops to spare, but could do nothing because the deployment of Indian soldiers had been left in the hands of Sheikh Abdullah. Paranjape expressed his dissatisfaction and helplessness and suggested that I should talk to Pt. Nehru who was to fly to Jammu on November 15.On the due date, Paranjape introduced me to Pt. Nehru. I spoke to him about the situation in Mirpur and the need for sending troops for their rescue. Jawaharlal flew into rage and shouted, "Talk to Sheikh Sahib, talk to Sheikh Sahib". (The Sheikh had been there to receive Nehru). I said that I had come to him only when the Sheikh was not prepared to listen. Nehru turned a deaf ear and proceeded towards his car and left with the Sheikh. That was my first encounter with Pt. Nehru, No aid was sent to Mirpur which fell to the Pakistani invaders on 25th November resulting in the slaughter of more than 20,000 Hindu refugees.
After some time, I learnt that Justice Dalip Singh of the Punjab High Court had been sent to Jammu as Agent General of the Government of India. Pt Prem Nath Dogra and myself met him. He gave us his experience and told us that Sheikh Abdullah was out to ride rough shod over national interest and would not listen to him. He added, "If I can't safeguard national interest, there is no fun in staying here as the Agent General of the Government of India". He informed us that he was going back to Delhi and report to Nehru. He said, "If he refuses to listen to me, I will resign and not come back". And, he never came back.
Meeting With Two Giants - Sardar Patel and Pt. Nehru
After a few days, the invaders struck at Chhamb Jorian, a group of Rajput villages across the Chenab river. Thousands of them came to Jammu as refugees. They looked to the Maharajah, but he could do nothing. People suggested that I, as the leader of the Praja Parishad, should visit Delhi and meet Sardar Patel and apprise him of the deteriorating situation of Jammu and the gameplan of Sheikh Abdullah. I left Jammu on 29th January, 1948. My meeting with Sardar Patel was fixed in early February. But, the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi on 30th January upset the whole programme. I had to wait till March 8 to meet Sardar Patel at his residence. Patel gave me a patient hearing and after listening to me said "Balraj, you are trying to convince a convinced man". After a pause, he added, "I cannot do anything, because Kashmir is being handled by Nehru". I then told Patel that I had come to meet him and not Nehru. He then replied "I can set things right in Kashmir in one month, if I am asked to handle it. But, as things are, you will have to talk to Nehru". He assured me that he would tell Nehru to give me time. My appointment with Nehru was fixed for 10th March. I met Nehru in his South Block office. He was all courtesy and asked me to tell what I had to say. But, as soon as I referred to Abdullah. Nehru burst out and said, "If Abdullah behaves like that, as I said, it would be a great surprise to me. We have made him the Prine Minister of J&K". I then retorted, "What does it matter if you are surprised? The question is of national interests. They are being undermined". That marked the end of the meeting.
After a few days, the invaders struck at Chhamb Jorian, a group of Rajput villages across the Chenab river. Thousands of them came to Jammu as refugees. They looked to the Maharajah, but he could do nothing. People suggested that I, as the leader of the Praja Parishad, should visit Delhi and meet Sardar Patel and apprise him of the deteriorating situation of Jammu and the gameplan of Sheikh Abdullah. I left Jammu on 29th January, 1948. My meeting with Sardar Patel was fixed in early February. But, the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi on 30th January upset the whole programme. I had to wait till March 8 to meet Sardar Patel at his residence. Patel gave me a patient hearing and after listening to me said "Balraj, you are trying to convince a convinced man". After a pause, he added, "I cannot do anything, because Kashmir is being handled by Nehru". I then told Patel that I had come to meet him and not Nehru. He then replied "I can set things right in Kashmir in one month, if I am asked to handle it. But, as things are, you will have to talk to Nehru". He assured me that he would tell Nehru to give me time. My appointment with Nehru was fixed for 10th March. I met Nehru in his South Block office. He was all courtesy and asked me to tell what I had to say. But, as soon as I referred to Abdullah. Nehru burst out and said, "If Abdullah behaves like that, as I said, it would be a great surprise to me. We have made him the Prine Minister of J&K". I then retorted, "What does it matter if you are surprised? The question is of national interests. They are being undermined". That marked the end of the meeting.
Externment unprecedented and persecution of my parents:
Having met both Patel and Nehru, I was planning to go back to Jammu, when I got the message that I had been externed from the J&K state. A few days later, my father who had decided to settle in Jammu after his retirement from the State service was also asked to quit the state with his family. This was the worst kind of persecution and violation of human rights by a nominee of Jawaharlal Nehru. That marked the beginning of my wilderness but I continued to watch the developments in J & K.
Having met both Patel and Nehru, I was planning to go back to Jammu, when I got the message that I had been externed from the J&K state. A few days later, my father who had decided to settle in Jammu after his retirement from the State service was also asked to quit the state with his family. This was the worst kind of persecution and violation of human rights by a nominee of Jawaharlal Nehru. That marked the beginning of my wilderness but I continued to watch the developments in J & K.
Also read: A Historic Letter from the Maharaja of J&K
Abstracts from an article written by Prof. Balraj Madhok during October 2007
